Tweet on Twitter While vending machines provide assorted treats and beverages to students who are on the go, there are those who believe that the drawbacks of vending machines in schools outweigh the actual benefits. Juices and healthier foods are offered in vending machines, but what about all of the snacks and treats that are available? The time has come to examine each side of the debate. Children who need a quick snack or a beverage to keep their energy up in between classes are able to simply grab one from the closest vending machine.
Wallace of Alabama, who built his political career on segregation and spent a tormented retirement arguing that he was not a racist in his heart, died Sunday night at Jackson Hospital in Montgomery. He was 79 and lived in Montgomery, Ala. Wallace died of respiratory and cardiac arrest at 9: Wallace had been in declining health since being shot in his presidential campaign by a year-old drifter named Arthur Bremer.
Wallace, a Democrat who was a longtime champion of states' rights, dominated his own state for almost a generation. But his wish was to be remembered as a man who might have been president and whose campaigns for that office inand established political trends that have dominated American politics for the last quarter of the 20th century.
He believed that his underdog campaigns made it possible for two other Southerners, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton, to be taken seriously as presidential candidates.
He also argued ceaselessly that his theme of middle-class empowerment was borrowed by Richard Nixon in and then grabbed by another Californian, Ronald Reagan, as the spine of his triumphant populist conservatism. In interviews later in his life, Wallace was always less keen to talk Vending machines in schools essay his other major role in Southern history.
After being elected to his first term as governor inhe became the foil for the huge protests that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. As a young man, Wallace came boiling out of the sun-stricken, Rebel-haunted reaches of southeast Alabama to win the governorship on his second try.
He became the only Alabamian ever sworn in for four terms as governor, winning elections in, and He retired at the end of his last term in January So great was his sway over Alabama that by the time he had been in office only two years, other candidates literally begged him for permission to put his slogan, "Stand Up for Alabama," on their billboards.
John Sparkman and Lister Hill, New Deal veterans who were powers in Washington and the national Democratic Party, feared to contradict him in public when he vowed to plunge the state into unrelenting confrontation with the federal government over the integration of schools, buses, restrooms and public places in Alabama.
It was a power built entirely on his promise to Alabama's white voting majority to continue the historic oppression of its disfranchised and largely impoverished black citizens. And it was snapshots of the peak moments of Wallace's campaign of racial oppression that burned him into the nation's consciousness as the Deep South's most forceful political brawler since Huey Long of Louisiana.
In it, Wallace promised to protect the state's "Anglo-Saxon people" from "communistic amalgamation" with blacks and ended with the line that would haunt his later efforts to enter the Democratic mainstream: Within days, it was convincingly reported that Wallace, fearing jail for defying a federal court order, had privately promised President John Kennedy that he would step aside if first allowed to make a defiant speech.
Wallace's in-state critics denounced him for a "charade" that embarrassed the state. But the cold splash of reality did not dampen his plans to use Alabama as a stepping stone to the national political arena and to the anti-Big-government speeches by which he obsessively longed to be remembered by history.
Wallace talked of running for president in as a neo-Dixiecrat candidate. But he backed off when the Republican nominee, Sen. Goldwater's move undercut Wallace's trademark assertion that "there's not a dime's worth of difference" between the two main parties on race.
After the election, Wallace regretted his timidity because he thought Goldwater had run a campaign of comical ineptitude, and when came around, he invented a party, drafted the eccentric retired Air Force general Curtis LeMay as his running mate, and began draining away the lunch-pail vote from Nixon.
One reason for his success was that Wallace always campaigned "with the tense urgency of a squirrel," in the memorable description of one biographer, Marshall Frady. Another reason was that his message worked among disaffected whites everywhere, not just in the South.
Wallace's political radar had picked up signals that Rust Belt workers and urban white ethnic Americans from Boston to Baltimore felt grumpy about black students in their neighborhood schools and black competitors in the workplace.
He cleaned up his language, but he used an expurgated list of demons -- liberals, Communists, the Eastern press, federal judges, "pointy-headed intellectuals" -- to tap out in code words an updated version of his fire-hardened message from the Heart of Dixie.
It was race and rage. This blend of color prejudice and economic grievance appealed to enough voters to win him more than 13 percent of the popular vote and five states in the presidential election. In the race, he was running even stronger in the Democratic presidential primaries.
He rattled the party's establishment with a second-place finish in Wisconsin and a rapid ascent in the polls. He also won primaries in Maryland and Michigan on May 16, but got the news in a hospital bed, having been shot and paralyzed on the day before the balloting.
The injury from Bremer's bullet became a "thorn in my flesh," Wallace later said, and the truncated campaign became a thorn in his psyche. He died believing that had he not been shot, popular appeal would have forced the Democratic Party to put him on the ticket in to keep Nixon from sweeping the Sun Belt and blue-collar enclaves in the Middle West and Northeast.
Wallace ran again in Dear Twitpic Community - thank you for all the wonderful photos you have taken over the years. We have now placed Twitpic in an archived state.
Getting vending machines would be a great benefit to schools The first reason why vending machines should be allowed in schools is that vending machines get the school quick cash.
That would turn the little money the schools have into a lot more money for the school to benefit the student's education. Essay on Junk Food in Schools. Junk Food in Schools There is something wrong when salsa passes as a vegetable in the school cafeteria and students can buy soda and candy from vending machines on campus.
School cafeterias and school vending machines do not encourage the best eating habits in schools, high schools in particular. It is more convenient to serve frozen foods like pizzas and frozen lasagnas almost every day.
Without realizing how those unhealthy foods are really affecting the kids. Advertisers also promote bad nutrition by placing vending machines in schools, which vend unhealthy products such as cookies, candy, soda, and potato chips. For having these vending machines inside the schools, the districts receive a pre-determined percent of the profit from the machines/5(3).
Jun 11, · Persuasive Speech Topics. Persuasive speech refers to a particular type of speech in which the speaker has the objective of persuading the audience to accept his or her perspective.